but a very crucial step is made when opinion and ideas become manifest in the press, the radio and T.V. broadcastings, the theatre, the movies, the novels, in brief, in Hie mass media 37

This re-awakening of collective consciousness was accompanied by an overwhelming hunger for information. A long muzzled and passive society was learning to listen to, and to speak out its own concerns. This was evident from the long queues at new-stands or the crowds surrounding the street loudspeakers when an important event was taking place in the country. "Today, daily information is the intellectual food of the people, no less important than rice"3$ The emerging opinion was eager to act in imposing its views. Concerns were sot only addressed to the Party and the government to promote debate within the regime, but not without risk, attacks increased39 against the corrupt and the privileged. Gradually, a new consensus was built up around the Party reformers' main mottoes: "facing and speaking the truth" and "fighting against the negative phenomena".

It is also important to mention an implicit but essential composent of the resurrected consensus: the Vietnamese moralistic mentality imbued with traditional values and strongly influenced by the Confucian politicoethical mentality This could be an obstacle to a realistic re-examination of the nation's crisis; since that mentality could engender an easy illusion of self-righteousness, equivalent to a blind sport obstructing a lucid diagnosis of the countrys backwardness and liabilities. Be that as it may, glasnost has been a unique opportunity for the moralistic Vietnamese people to kindle a heated movement against corruption and im
morality.40

The following figures give an idea of the extent and degree of popular participation to the press reform and criticism campaign: from April 1986 to December 1986, the editors of Saigon Giai Phong received 3,161 letters from its readers 41 After the publication of the General Secretary's messages (from May 1987 onwards), mass support of the reformera' line augmented tremendously.

... Hundreds of thousands of people have sent letters and articles to the newspapers and radio broadcasting offices. During a certain week, Nhan Dan received eight thousand letters; at certain moments it has received 5,500 letters in a lapse of three days. On the incident of a direct or bullying his critics, Nhan Dan has received more than a thousand letters. Vie newspaper Lao Dong lias received more Chan three hundred letters with regard to Hie re-inspection case of the Food Service in Hau Giang ..42

Due to the populations active contribution, the social climate of lawlessness and power abuse appeared to have come under control. Media and opinion have elicited the involvement of the judicial and legal structures responsible for the investigation and prosecution of the culprits. The conference of the financial sector's inspectors held in Da Nang, revealed that some 14,590 cases were investigated during the year 1987, most of which had been brought to light through denunciations and letters of complaint from private citizens. These violations of state regulations, 90% of which faced legal action, were double that of 198643 In other words, popular demand has grown, as is evident by the increasing number of denunciations the official administration has been forced to follow up with.

When one remembers that not too long ago officials were usually protected by judiciary partiality the change appears impressive. Backed by the law, popular opinion has emerged as a mighty socio-political force, while the resulting consensus appears to express mass allegiance to the Party's new line. The positive interaction between the media and the people has been furthered by numerous meetings and conferences of newsmen and members of the media. Alongside openness, democratic practices and democratization appeared more and more at the center of
Daily information became the intellectual food of the people, no less important than rice.
Oct-Dec 1990	Indochina Report 9