socialist construction along with the experience of the friendly socialist countries, has shown that the creation of the new stemmed front the creative actions of the masses and not from Party resolutions.102 Therefore ... under socialism, there is no basis nor justification of any kind, to prohibit the creative freedom of man. lire centralized leadership of the Party is established because of the need for democracy. There could be no correct thinking if one reverses the
proposition. "103
Eventually are we engaging in the battle for the final repudiation of ideology as the foundation of Vietnam's communie system and are we going to see it apparently replaced with democracy and freedom? This is ultimately the fundamental meaning of both the socio-political and cultural mutation in Vietnam today.

Until now however, the mutation has generally taken place in the reahn of ideas and articles. Recently a peaceful compromise has been reached between the control apparatus and the creative elite, when in November 1987, both parties were invited to study and discuss the new party resolution concerning the Party leadership's renovation in literary, artistic, and cultural fields.104 The resolution simultaneously and paradoxically advocated both freedom of creativity and Party leadership: "The nature of the right to free creation of the artists and literati is part of the revolutionary achievement under the leadership of the Party and is determined by the duties and responsibilities of everyone toward the Homeland and socialism" 105 While blaming the rudeness and arbitration of cultural bureaucrats and ideological watchdogs, one major aim of the resolution was the amelioration and consolidation of the Party's perennial institutions of cultural control. Despite some personnel change and a few open-minded words, the ideological tutelage system remained faithful toits totalitarian nature. Once again, we are the puzzled spectators of the communist trick of circle-squaring.
Conclusion
One can discern two fondamental aspects in Vietnam's new information and culture policy In opening the doors of the the media to mass participation, Party reformers intended to channel the pent-up energy of popular discontent into organized movements of social demand against the privileged and corrupt officialdom. Increased interaction between the media and growing sectors of society augmented the process of social communication and public discussion which has in turn initiated an apparently genuine democratization of the exposed population, mostly in the cities. The outspoken and more accurate press has contributed to clarify the configurations of social conflict and accelerated the polarization of consensus; opposing views stood out unmistakably during the impartial test of openness. The consequence of this tremendous momentum was an unprecedented socio-political reversai, which led to the deposition of Party old guards such as Truong Chinh and Le Duc Tho,106 and the election of a new core leadership around Nguyen Van Linh. Such an event would have been impossible without the emergence of new political forces able to challenge the stratified hierarchies of power. The most important indicator of this emergence was the preparation of the VCP Sixth Congress. It is an acknowledged fact that the leadership's draft of the party's political report to Congress was rejected by the majority of the rank-and-file. The final report, plus the resolutions of the Congress became principally the creation of the rank-and-file.107 According to Vo Van Kiet, the Sixth Congress was an unique event compared to its predecessors because of its severe criticism of both the Party and its officiais, regardless of their status in the hierarchy.108
So far Hie socio-political cultural changes have taken place
onl y in the real m of ideas.
Oct-Dec 1990	Indochina Report 17