Can the ruling clique of the VCP survive another decade of failures and disception?
pretations of freedom of expression and explicit condemnation of journalists who would attempt to "provoke popular insurrection" with their publications.1," A. further step to restore ideological discipline was the expulsion of Politburo member Tran Xuan Bach, an outspoken critic of monolithic centralism, af ter the Eigh t Plenum of the VCP's Central Committee in March 1990. The following two months witnessed the arrestations of dissenting personalities of the Popular Front such as Ta Ba Tong; other popular dissidents like Duong Thu Huong, Chan Tin, Nguyen Ngoc Lan were placed under house arrest.133
By finding it necessary to turn back much of the progress of reform, the regime has seriously once again damaged its legitimacy and public image. Always speaking about the construction of democracy and legality,13a while in the contrary manipulating to retain both hegemony and ideological influence, the ruling clique was in reality sabotaging the newly acquired consensus and losing the nation's allegiance, especially when it chose to rule by force. However, it is unlikely that the public institutions of a civil society which have begun to emerge will be eliminated during the carrent repression. The ideals of freedom, democracy and civil rights can never again be extirpated. A salient feature of open defiance to the répressive measures of the police state was the phenomenon of wide circulation of samizdat, unauthorized publications or informations. This new form of civil protest was mainly created by dissenting groups in the South, mainly in Ho Chi Minh City. Feeling betrayed by the retreat of Linh and his faction, veterans and former activists of the Resistance War in the South decided to act openly in the spirit of reform and democracy to secure the progress of freedom which, as many of them have realized, would not corne as a gift. Under the guise of conferences and meetings the Club of Veterans of the Resistance (CVR) was buildingupa tremendous poli tical movement of protest reassembling thousands of activists and supporters. It also issued a bulletin of information named Truyen Thong, clandestinely printed and dlegally circulated.135 As a large-scale organization with branches in many provinces in the South, CVR is now creating a growing political counterculture promoting a pluralist conception of the right of political expression and criticism, rejecting monolithic dogmatism.136 Calling for the rule of the people, it has won immense popular sympathy, not to mention the respect and support of overseas Vietnamese communities. Against rigid dogmatists and cynical pragmatists in the Party apparatus, its message is clear: The more you repress us, the more of us will rise against you. CVR has also engendered new movements of protest among religions circles and, especially, among the younger generations of high school and college students in Ho Chi Minh City.137 Despite some compromising gestures,'3R the regime seems more than ever reluctant to abandon its ideology and to humanize the system. Instead of political reform and cultural renewal, the old ruling circle of the VCP is clinging to doctrinal immobilism and ineffective methods of thought control.139 Entangled in enormous economic difficulties and internai conflicts, beset with nationwide restlessness and international isolation, will it survive another decade of failures and duplicity?
*	PhuongKien Khanh is a former research fellow atthe Institute of Social Science in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. He is currently undertaking research work on contemporary Vietnamese Iiterature
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U	The main article was completed at the end of 1988. A postscript was written in September 1990.
Indochina Report 22	Oct-Dec 1990